Sunday 19 May 2013

Realism, Gender and Sexuality in Queer as Folk and Sugar Rush By Lea Weller BA



  Television drama often draws upon the codes of realism. With reference to Queer as Folk (1999) and Sugar Rush (2005), one shall explore the ways in which issues of gender and sexuality are represented in dramas using realist strategies. Realism is an ambiguous term when analysing television drama. One way of interpreting realism is to start with how the places and people are represented rather than imagined as a fictional character. The second meaning of realism refers to the representation of a common contemporary experience and the believability of the character and the chain of events that occur. Therefore these meanings rely on the codes and conventions which represent reality. The dominant form of realism that is seen in television is classic realism which coincides with the period of modern industrial society and can be seen in most fictional television programs. The characters of the television dramas determine their own choices and actions “and human nature is seen as a pattern of character-differences” (Bignell, 2004, page 188). This allows the viewer to identify or sympathise with a wide range of characters, sharing their emotions, hopes and fears. Bignell argued that 

The comparisons and judgements about identifiable human figures represented on television are reliant on a common code of judgement, a notion of ‘normality’, which is the terrain on which the viewer’s relationships with characters occur.
(Bignell, 2004, Page 188)

The television text allows for identification with the images in the drama and it represents psychologically consistent individual subjects and classic realism addresses the viewers with this same subject. These television texts and pre-existing reality underlies the process of the television text being constructed as a whole which is intelligible and significant. This is done by making sure the image shown is representative of a recognisable social space. Caughie stated that 

The terrain of realism, in other words, cannot be contained within a single definition, but is continually fought over by contending aesthetics, each informed by its own ethics and its own politics.
(Caughie, 2000, page 131)

Bignell argued that “the category of the rational perceiving subject is the connecting assumption shared by the viewer and television, and by his or her world and the world represented on television” (Bignell, 2004, page 188). Narrative is crucial to classic realism due to the varied identifications, point of views, sound and speech used which produces the communication between text and audience. Realism in a culture depends on the cultural codes of that society “so ‘reality’ is always already encoded. It is never ‘raw’” (Fiske, 1987, page 4). Fiske continued that

Some of the social codes which constitute our reality are relatively precisely definable in terms of the medium through which they are expressed – skin color, dress, hair, facial expression, and so on.
(Fiske, 1987, page 4)
 
In the case of this investigation, the medium of gender and sexuality is analysed. A semiotic analysis reveals the layers of encoded meaning which are presented to the audience in the form of television programs. Fiske argued that “realism is not a matter of any fidelity to an empirical reality, but of the discursive conventions by which and for which a sense of reality is constructed” (Fiske, 1987, page 17). He continued to argue that realism on television is expressed through transparent or reflective metaphors, acting as a window or a mirror reflecting the viewer’s own reality or world. These metaphors enable an impersonal medium of reproduction in which the cultural agency is naturalized, appearing as a natural process and not a cultural process.

The homophobic conservative backlash of the 1980s assisted and enforced the “confrontational ‘queer’ politics of the 1990s” (Arthurs, 2004, page 113). Television drama took on this highly visible political issue of homosexuality and using these cultural forces, television drama addressed the contemporary concerns that were present in society and are still present to an extent today.

This was characterised by a suspicion of state legislation as a means for achieving sexual liberation on the grounds that the state is too deeply implicated in a heteronormative model of citizenship to which the family is central.
(Arthurs, 2004, page 113)
 
Arthurs argued that in order for homosexuals to be accepted as ‘good’ citizens they must imitate the same expectations and have the same rights as heterosexuals, for example, marriage and legal adoption. Now these previous problems have been eliminated and homosexuals are able to live in a family unit; the homosexual relationship is no longer a cause for uproar and complaints. Arthurs argued that now this boundary has shifted it is now the unrespectable homosexual citizen who indulges in public spectacle and promiscuous sex and who is now the cause for cultural discourse around homosexuality. In some television dramas ‘queers’ refuse to conform to the model of the good homosexual and show the Transgressive abilities of the homosexual and the embodied sexuality which resists the conformities of desire. ‘Queer’ politics has been criticised and it has been argued that it is also “sexual politics for young, white, male, urban trendies” (Arthurs, 2004, page 113) and he continued to argue that it is a “flight from identity […] leaving a hedonistic individualism in its wake” (Arthurs, 2004, page 113). 

Cooke argued the most radical series of 1990s was Queer as Folk as the representations shattered the view of sexual taboos.  With the tag-line “there’s nowt as Queer as Folk” (Cooke, 2003 page 187) and the radical representations of the homosexual lifestyle there was uproar. Collins argued that Queer as Folk brought together elements that “produce[d] a collective subject and/or bounded space with which identifications can be made” (Collins, 2006, page 210). The plot of Queer as Folk relies on the sexuality of the characters. They are read and identified through their sexuality. “The series beg the abjectival description ‘unapologetic’” (Munt, 2008, page 93). The first episode showed intergenerational sex between the older Stuart and the schoolboy Nathan, which was a brave move for Britain in 1999 as “the Houses of Parliament voted on the equalisation of the homosexual age of consent (the motion failed)” (Munt, 2008, page 93). Due to the legal age of consent for homosexuals being 18 at the time of airing, there was widespread controversy. But in 2000 the law was passed and now

The law means that for the first time in British legal history, the age of consent for heterosexual and homosexual men and women is now 16 in England, Wales and Scotland and 17 in Northern Ireland - equalising the age for all.
(BBC, 2000, Online)
So when Sugar Rush was aired in 2005 the law had been passed, so there was not a lot of controversy surrounding it. For Example, Kim meets an older woman in a nightclub and is taught what she needs to know about being a homosexual. The teenager who is still at school has discovered that she is definitely a lesbian and is encouraged by the older woman to dress in her uniform, when her parents walk in on her being spanked. Her father suffers mentally after seeing this and his masculinity is crushed. The plot in Queer as Folk highlighted gay paedophilia and corruption of young men and one can say that six years later in 2005 the same idea was implemented for young women but was not complained about or taken seriously as now the law says that 16 is legal for any kind of sexual relationship, so there was no cause for concern. The Independent Television Commission suggested that future episodes of Queer as Folk should be enhanced with responsible messages about subjects such as safe-sex and sexuality.  
         Queer as Folk did not challenge any stereotypes as all the gay men wanted to have continuous sex whilst the lesbian characters wanted to have children. These stereotypes still have the power to maintain hegemonic meaning and provide pleasure for the viewers, “by offering reassurance and knowingness; the consumption of them can also sometimes be satiric, even if the intention is not” (Munt, 2008, page 93); this criticism relates to earlier debates about realism. Queer as Folk was ground-breaking in gay representation as it had become the first gay authored text that knowingly used realism and
Was indeed a celebration not only for Manchester’s gay scene but of its more radical and confrontational elements. This radicalism was indicated by the provocative use of the word ‘queer’ in the series title, the radical reclaimed meaning of the word signifying a more overt and politicised expression of gay politics and identity.
(Cooke, 2003, page 188).
The word queer and also the acknowledgement of the homophobic euphemisms in the scene in which Stuart comes out is shocking for both the rest of the characters in the scene and also the audience as he uses a range of offensive remarks about homosexuality to describe himself as a homosexual as he calls another character’s bluff who had been blackmailing him about being gay. 
 A coherent and convincing fictional world is supported by codes of realism, which is the basic demand of the viewing society in which these television representations are shown. Holland argued that “It is a regime of ‘unified portrayal: every criterion of realism aims at the same objective, to combine all the elements of the representation at any one point into a harmonious whole’” (Holland, 1997, page 124). This sustained equivalence to the real world is not the only level that realism operates. There is “a complex network of conventions of audience expectation alike” (Ellis, 1982, page 9). The conventions of realism should remain invisible, so in order to understand realism one shall explain five codes that Holland had provided. Firstly in television drama a surface accuracy should be present, with the place, setting, correct fashion of the period and the right props to aid in the realistic representations. For example, the homosexuals are all portrayed as “trendy, city-types” (Cardwell, 2005, page 133). Both Queer as Folk and Sugar Rush abide to these guidelines and the representations are varied and correct. Queer as Folk makes great use of Manchester’s Canal Street as a geo-ideological space for “gay, lesbian and queer formations” (Billingham, 2003, page 119). Billingham continued to argue that 

Within these spatial locations, there lies the possibility of the disruptive play and exhibition of sexual identities and activities which have historically been marginalised in terms of silence and/or absence […] Therefore, Canal Street, […] is the defining location and site within Queer as Folk.
(Billingham, 2003, page 119)
With Queer as Folk’s defining location being Canal Street in Manchester, Sugar Rush used another location known as a geo-ideological space for homosexuals, Brighton Pier, Brighton. Holland argued that if the surface accuracy is not right then the credibility will be lost. The second code must explain to the audience what they are viewing and must abide by the laws of cause and effect. It must be consistent with what is being viewed; if the character is on Brighton pier, then the actor needs to be on Brighton pier, which is covered by the shooting on location to ensure realistic representation of the setting in which the drama is based. This consistency also applies to the third code, “it should conform to expectations based on psychology and character” (Holland, 1997, page 125). The character’s personality should remain consistent throughout the drama as a change in the character’s psychology can confuse the viewer. For example, in Queer as Folk the character Alexander is very ‘camp’. If Alexander was to start talking with a different accent and a more ‘butch’ voice, the viewer would be confused (unless it was made aware that the character has a mental illness). Fourthly, the fictional world must be controlled by spatial and chronological credibility to enable a smooth transition between the viewer and the text. The fifth code of realism is that the plot must be realistic and “obey the laws of physical and natural science” (Holland, 1997, page 125). The realistic expectations must also operate at an ideological level and show the requirements that the spectators desire. The representations must show common sense and can include stereotypical expectations. For example, the way homosexuality is portrayed

The diegetic world [must] appear self sufficient and unbroken. Everything that we need to know in order to understand it must be included, and everything that contradicts or disturbs the understanding must be excised. The diegetic world must not require the viewer to turn beyond it to find the means to understand it, but it must, like the real world, appear to make its own sense according to the ‘laws of nature’ not the conventions of culture.
(Fiske, 1987, page 131)
 
Fiske argued that these conventions or codes of realism must cohere to common sense and not confuse the viewer, but assist them in unravelling the plot. For example, Sugar Rush presents the viewer with flashbacks in order to guide them and help understand what the characters are going through and how they came to be the way they are.

                When Queer as Folk was advertised it was specifically aimed at not just a gay audience but a young audience in general “and the [program] reflects this not just in its explicit content, its themes and concerns, but also in smaller details of image and sound” (Cardwell, 2005 page 131), for example showing the main area for homosexuals to party, on Canal Street in Manchester. This reaffirms the “importance of free, youthful spaces” (Cardwell, 2005, page 132). The characters all experience their own fears and have different issues to contend with.  Sugar Rush is the female equivalent of Queer as Folk. Originally a novel by Julie Burchill in 2004, Channel Four commissioned Sugar Rush to be aired in 2005.  Becket stated that “the novel has been turned into a television drama series which first aired in 2005. The lesbian theme has put the book on lists of crossover works that appeal to the gay community” (Beckett, 2009, page 170). The drama revolves around a teenage girl who discovered that she was a lesbian at 15. Kim Daniels is experimenting with her sexuality in a society which is slowly accepting homosexuality. Each episode shows a different journey for Kim and allows the viewer to see the viewpoint of a confused, lustful, adolescent girl as she discovers her sexuality in one of the most homosexually orientated towns in Britain, Brighton. Channel Four not only aimed for a niche lesbian audience but an audience who can relate to issues of sexuality in general and not just lesbianism. Also present are issues of gender, adolescence, cross-dressing, marriage, adultery and bisexuality. 

        The show primarily targets a teenage and young adult audience due to the explicit material and the scheduled time, which was way after the watershed. A female audience is captured also due to the protagonist being female and the issues not only with her love life but also family issues. With the main protagonist being a female lesbian, it is evident that society has become more tolerant to homosexuality and that it is no longer seen as immoral or unacceptable. Sugar Rush does not portray a typical nuclear family, but they represent realistic characters that are troubled and confused. The mother, Stella, refuses to take on any responsibility for her adult life, such as being a stay at home parent and a wife, shown by her infidelity. The father, Nathan who is a passive character, troubled by his daughter’s actions, the fact that the male is the passive character is also interesting as it is usually the female character, yet in Sugar Rush the women are all very much active. Kim’s Younger brother Matt is a confused young adolescent who likes to dress in women’s clothes or as a Goth and along with Sugar, the confused and man hungry best-friend, the drama gives the viewer a range of realistic characters and these characters had been constructed to show realistic personality representations and not just stereotypes. This in turn allows the young audience to relate to the issues shown. Sugar Rush concentrates on real-life characters and not stereotypes and it rejects the “’Vladimir Propp Theory’ about character roles and functions” (Furzana, 2007, Online), instead of the stereotypical hero or villain. The flashbacks give the viewer background information on the issues presented. Kim does not conform to the stereotype of the lesbian, but she is shown as a troubled teenage girl. 

           Women in Sugar Rush all want different things; Stella wants companionship and great sex, so she has an affair whilst her husband is at work. This shows the powerful role of women in today’s society as Stella provides an interesting turn around, as women should be able to enjoy sex the way men do. This challenges the typical stereotypes of women and sexuality. Stella and Nathan’s relationship represents the heterosexual relationship. Sugar Rush allows women to break the traditional stereotypes and “role reversals are seen as Nathan is at home taking on the domestic role and Stella, his wife is portrayed as the home wrecker by having an affair” (Furzana, 2007, Online). Sugar Rush caters for all audiences and both dramas investigated show

a conscious extension of dramatic material to areas of life which had been evidently excluded even from majority drama. And television was often conceived in this way as the site for a particular dramatic extension, since it had already a fully socially extended audience.
(Williams, 1977, page 67)

Sugar Rush and Queer as Folk both show different representations of homosexuality, sexuality and gender. The women are free of conformities, stable and independent; they do not depend on men. An article by Michael Collins (2000) which was published in The Observer, praised Queer as Folk for its “positive representation of gay sexuality” (Cooke, 2003, page 190). Cooke continued to argue that “British television attempted to revitalise old genres and ‘reinvent’ television drama by offering new representations of gender and sexuality” (Cooke, 2003, page 190). These representations have been successfully portrayed in both dramas investigated.

Bibliography

Arthurs, J., (2004) Television and Sexuality: Regulations and the Politics of Taste. Berkshire: Open University Press.
BBC (2000) Q and A: The age of consent. BBC. http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/uk/1045383.stm (Accessed 01/05/2011)
Beckett, S. L., (2009) Crossover Fiction: Global and Historical Perspectives. Oxon: Routledge.
Bignell, J., (2004) An Introduction to television Studies. London: Routledge.
Billingham, P. (2003) Sensing the City through Television: Urban Identities in Fictional Drama. London: Intellect Books.
Cardwell, S., (2005) ‘The Representation of Youth and the Twentysomething Serial’ in Hammond, M., and Mazdon, L., (eds.) The Contemporary Television Series. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press.
Caughie, J., (2000) Television drama: Realism, Modernism and British Culture. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Collins, A., (2006) Cities of Pleasure: Sex and the Urban Socialscape. Oxon: Routledge.
Collins, M., (2000) ‘Sing If Your Glad to Be Gay (And Cute)’. The Observer, 30th January, 2000. Page 6-7.
Cooke, L., (2003) British Television Drama: A History. London: British Film Institute.
Ellis, J., (1982) Visible Fictions: Cinema, Television, Video. London: Routledge.
Fiske, J., (1987) Television Culture. London: Routledge.
Furzana (2007) The Study of Sugar Rush. [ONLINE] http://www.studyofsugarrush.blogspot.com/ (Accessed 01/05/2011)
Holland, P. (1997), 'Narrative Television'. The Television Handbook. London: Routledge, page 113-136.
Munt, S., (2008) Queer Attachments: The Cultural Politics of Shame. Hampshire: Ashgate Publishing.
Williams, R. (1977) 'A lecture on Realism', In Screen. Vol.18: 1. Oxford University Press, page.61-74.



Filmography

Queer as Folk (1999) Sarah Harding. UK: Red Production Company.

Sugar Rush (2005) Katie Baxendale. UK: Shine.


 By Lea Weller BA


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